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The leap from flautist in an Orange band to 'Celtic Musician' may at first sight seem fraught with difficulty. On one side of the chasm which appears to separate these two musical and cultural dispositions lies the loyalist triumphalism of 'The Sash My Father Wore', an encomium to the Protestants who fought in William of Orange's Irish campaign and their successors, and on the other, the plaintive tone of songs like Máire Bhuí Ní Laoghaire's 'Cath Chéim an Fhia', which describes a battle between the mid-eighteenth-century agrarian protestors, the Whiteboys, and the English army. The chasm seems so wide, that, in some parts of Northern Ireland, the attempt to cross it can result in ostracism or even physical violence. As a matter fact, the smooth-playing 'man with the golden flute', James Galway, made the leap of faith without apparent difficulty. Galway was born into a Protestant family from North Belfast. His father was an enthusiastic member of the Imperial Temperance 929 Orange lodge,[2] and the young James played with the Onward Flute Band, which was conducted by his 'Uncle' Joe, and paraded with them on a number of Twelfth of July parades, the highlight of the Orange marching season. On his 1996 CD, James Galway: The Celtic Minstrel, released forty years after he left Belfast to study at the Royal College of Music, he effortlessly embraces musical 'Celticism' in a recording which displays an attachment to the sentimentalised and clichéd 'gems of Irish song' repertoire. Despite the sugar-coating of the arrangements and the 'easy listening' marketing category, in the Northern Irish context a number of the tracks might well be seen as being fundamentally Catholic, Nationalist and inflammatory by hard-line loyalists, and thus far from easy listening! In Northern Ireland, even in its blandest realisation, music can have the power to divide community from community, Catholic from Protestant, nationalist from unionist. One could cynically argue that Galway's insinuation of his Celtic roots in the CD's title was simply a marketing ploy by his record company, BMG. To be Irish in the last decade of the second millennium is to be a commodity, and a very marketable one at that. Many musicians have been carried along in the wake of the success of Riverdance (a show which has proved seminal in the construction of a postmodern mass-market neo-Celtic music theatre), and perhaps Galway is no exception. However, in the period before the late-sixties and the current round of 'troubles', and in particular, perhaps for those Protestant musicians born in pre-partition days, such musical distinctions between Orange songster and Celtic minstrel seem to have been less obvious. As an example, consider James Perry, my uncle's father-in-law: here was a traditional fiddler from a Protestant Unionist background, who regularly took part in competitions, played for Irish dancing, taught the violin in local schools, both Protestant and Catholic, and trained the fifers who led the Orange processions. His own repertoire easily accommodated Irish music from both traditions. Similarly one of Fintan Vallely's respondents notes that in County Antrim in the forties and fifties 'a brave lot of the fifers played the fiddle, played Irish dance music.'[3] In the contemporary climate of Northern Ireland, the word 'Celtic' (with both hard and soft 'C') increasingly delineates and demarcates the cultural, social and political space. To be a Protestant and to freely admit to being 'Irish', and by implication, of Gaelic stock, is becoming increasingly unusual. Although the majority of Protestants living in Northern Ireland can boast such ancestry, given that many of their forebears were either Scots from the Galloway region (which had been settled by the Gaels), had intermarried with them, or were indigenous Irish converts from Catholicism, most tend to downplay this element of their heritage. It is common for Northern Protestants to assume a racial or tribal difference between themselves and their Catholic neighbours and vice versa. Social attitudes surveys from 1968 onwards have shown an ever-increasing proportion of the Protestant majority in Northern Ireland defining their national identity as British or Ulster. Whereas around 60% of Catholics unequivocally defined themselves as Irish in the four surveys between 1989 and 1994 (the rest dividing between British/Ulster and N. Irish/Sometimes British/Sometimes Irish), only 3% of Protestants did.[4] However, partly through their shared Presbyterian heritage, many Protestants still maintain very close ties with Scotland, and in fact find it easier to express cultural allegiance to that country than England. The notion of a Celtic race is clearly problematic in the modern European context, and in The Narrow Ground A.T.Q. Stewart notes that: the term 'Celtic' is a linguistic one and cannot properly be related to race: the Gaels were anthropologically very mixed. Yet one still hears the Irish described as 'a Celtic race'. The point is that the language became a unifying agent.[5]Douglas Hyde, the son of a Protestant rector, the founder of the Gaelic League, and the first President of Ireland, remarked on the ability of Irish culture to assimilate settlers, for 'even after the Cromwellian plantation the children of numbers of the English soldiers who settled in the south and midlands, were, after forty years' residence, and after marrying Irish wives, turned into good Irishmen, and unable to speak a word of English'.[6] Roger Blaney has estimated that around fifty percent of early Presbyterians in Ireland spoke the Gaelic language, either as Scottish Gaelic speakers, Irish-speaking Catholic converts, or bilingual speakers who learned it to communicate with their neighbours and other members of their congregations.[7] Gaelic was thus the vernacular for a considerable proportion of the population in the seventeenth century, and its decline similarly affected Roman Catholic and Protestant, native and immigrant. In this light,
it may seem less curious that the largely Presbyterian Belfast newspaper
The Northern Star should be responsible in 1795 for the first magazine
to be published in the Irish language, Bolg an tSolair (Miscellany),
and that the influential instructional manual Introduction to the Irish
Language (dedicated to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland) should be published
in 1808 by William Neilson, DD, another Protestant Dissenter and regular
preacher in the Irish language. Ironically, it appears that the very missionary
zeal of the various Protestant sects, in their desire to communicate in
Gaelic, played a substantial part in the weakening of the Irish language
during the nineteenth century. According to Pádraig du Brún
'the condemnation of the reading of all Irish books, apparently widespread
later in the century, was presumably due to the reinforcement of Anglicising
attitudes among the [Catholic] clergy'.[8]
It is probably fair to suggest that the coupling of the Irish language
and nationalism which resulted from Hyde's establishment of the Gaelic
League at the end of the nineteenth century to encourage the process of
de-Anglicisation in Ireland had the effect of weakening the link between
Protestantism and the Gaelic language.[9]
The adoption of the Irish language as a central strand of Irish republicanism
has in recent years hardened Protestant attitudes against it.[10]
Nevertheless, some Protestants have retained an interest in Gaelic,[11]
most prominent of these being Ian Adamson, the former Unionist Lord Mayor
of Belfast who was responsible for establishing the ULTACH trust, the
aim of which is to promote the Irish language among all the citizens of
Northern Ireland, and of whose eleven trustees, five are Presbyterian.
During an open forum session of the conference 'Traditional Music: Whose Music?' held in Queen's University Belfast Institute of Irish Studies in 1991, Dick Mac Gabhann of the University of Ulster remarked on the problematic nature of Loyalist musical culture. He noted that: Just this morning, I was fingering through the collection of Orange ballads that are on sale in the foyer, and I couldn't help but notice that with many of them you had perfect examples of internal rhyming schemes that are directly inspired from the Gaelic verse traditions of the province. Presumably this is part of this Protestant musical tradition. It is also part of the Catholic, or nationalist, musical tradition. How do you make the distinction? What are the characteristics of this tradition that make it stand separately from the other?[12]These remarks echo those of Cathal O'Boyle in the introduction to his little collection Songs of County Down published in 1979.[13] O'Boyle draws attention to the use of a kind of internal rhyme, where an interior word rhymes with the final word of a line, a characteristic of Gaelic verse, in an Orange ballad 'The Bright Orange Heroes of Comber': The issue of the influence of Gaelic poetry's metrics on English-language verse was touched on by George Petrie in his seminal 1855 collection of the 'ancient music of Ireland':O Connell he does Boast, of his great big rebel Host Whether written in Irish, for the counties in which the native language still generally prevailed, or in English, for the counties where that language was becoming general, or, as often happened, in a compound of the two tongues, where both were still spoken, such songs had, to Irish ears, the important merit of a happy adaptation of words that would run concurrently with the notes and rhythm of the airs for which they were intended; and were, happily, thus the means of preserving the tunes in all their integrity.[15]Three overlapping periods in the development of the bardic Gaelic poetry of Ireland and Scotland have been discriminated.[16] During the second of these periods, which began in the seventh century and lasted until around the seventeenth, several idiosyncratic characteristics of Gaelic verse can be distinguished. Poems are clearly divided into stanzas, in the main of four lines (though there are some six, eight and ten line forms). Each of the many types (and Gerard Murphy has isolated eighty-four distinct examples in his monograph, Early Irish Metrics)[17] has a fixed number of syllables in each line and at line endings. Thus, for example, the Ochtfhoclach mór type has eight lines, the first to third and fifth to seventh being hexasyllabic with a disyllabic final word, and the fourth and eighth being pentasyllabic and a monosyllabic final word: As well as the poet's obvious use of 'rime' (for example, léiginn and chéilbinn; Chlúana, cúala and húaga) and alliteration (Chluainn chéilbinn and légad mo léiginn) in this eleventh century poem, several other important technical resources in the Gaelic bard's repertoire are apparent. These include:'Can as' tic mac léiginn?'
While this may sound like the plaint of the outcast Gael, forced to leave his native shore because of the Saxon's religious intolerance, its author, Patrick Dunkin, was in fact the Protestant Church of Ireland Prebendary of Dunsfort in County Down,[23] whose loyalty to Charles I rather than Cromwell's parliament forced him to seek protection from the royalist Duke of Derby on the Gaelic-speaking Isle of Man. If the term Celtic signifies a set of cultural and linguistic properties rather than simply racial ones (and surely the notion of a pure Celtic race is as untenable on moral as on anthropological grounds) then Dunkin exemplifies the problematic position of Ulster Protestants, for he shares the language and much of the culture of the autochthonous Catholic population while differing from them in religion. His case also reveals the deceptive unity of Protestantism, for Anglicans (the founders of the Orange Order) and Presbyterians (who were heavily implicated in the 1798 rebellion) have sometimes been as isolated from each other as Protestants have from Catholics.Truagh mo thurus ó mo thír Popular songs in the Gaelic language, or amhráin na ndaoine, rarely have the metrical intricacies of high-art bardic poetry, which as Douglas Hyde notes, involves 'following rules the most complex of probably any school of poetry that ever existed in the world'.[24] However, the popular poets often imitated certain aspects of the bards' use of language, and these elements, such as internal rhyme, assonance and alliteration, transferred, often by way of bilingual macaronic verse, to lyrics in English. I would like to make three broad assertions about Ulster traditional songs in the English language. Firstly, given a substantial repertoire of non-political songs such as that contained in the Sam Henry Collection,[25] it is not possible to distinguish between them according to the religious or political affiliation of their authors simply on musical or metrical grounds. Secondly, the heritage of Gaelic song in terms of its impact on English-language verse is shared by both communities, and the (probably unconscious) use of the metrical devices of Gaelic poetry is as likely to be found in Orange as Green party (or political) songs. These metrical devices include syllabic structures, metrical schemes (and in particular the use of Ochtfhoclach Mór and Ochtfhoclach Bec type verse), interior and aicill rhyme, assonance and alliteration. And thirdly, while there are some Orange songs which are obviously simple parodies of existing nationalist or non-sectarian songs, the metrics adopted by the lyricist are in the main occasioned by the musical characteristics of the melody being set. Orange song writers have been happy to adopt existing melodies which were felt to be part of a common legacy. It is worth remembering that C.V. Stanford, who was responsible for editing the complete collection of George Petrie's Ancient Music of Ireland (and who became a major figure of the British musical establishment, holding the Chairs of Music at Cambridge and composition at the Royal Academy of Music), found no incompatibility between staunch Unionist views and the wide-scale use of Irish traditional material in his compositions. If we interrogate the corpus of Orange songs (which is a mirror of, and is mirrored by, a similar body of Green or nationalist songs in the same way that the Ancient Order of Hibernians parallels the Orange Order) we find that at least one third of the eighty items contained in the Ulster Society's two collections show some influence of Gaelic metrics as filtered through English-language popular verse. In other words, what sets this repertoire apart from other manifestations of traditional Irish song is simply its narrative content: what it signifies is certainly different, but the means by which it signifies is not. As Georges-Denis Zimmermann, the author of an influential treatise on 'Songs of Irish Rebellion', notes: It may seem paradoxical to state that both streams of political verse flowed in a parallel direction. Nevertheless I think that the 'Green' and 'Orange' Irishmen have more in common than their mutual hatred.[26]Some explicit examples of the influence of Gaelic metric devices in Orange songs can be isolated: (a) Ochtfhoclach Mór (62626251) 'Defence of Crossgar 17th March, 1849',[27] Verse 1, lines 1 - 4 (rewritten to clarify metric structure): In this verse from 'Defence of Crossgar 17th March, 1849', an underlying Ochtfhoclach Mór metre can be detected. The structure is of three rhyming hexasyllabic lines ending with a disyllable followed by a fourth pentasyllabic line ending with a monosyllable (62626251). While the rhyming of three successive lines is common in Irish verse in both Gaelic and English, it is less common in the traditional song lyrics of Britain. Unlike middle Irish verse, there are regular dactylic metrical feet throughout. Characteristically, the absolute metrical regularity of the first verse does not carry on throughout the song.You Protestant Brethren, (b) a-a-a-b rhyme scheme and alliteration 'The Battle of Garvagh',[28] Verse 1: In 'The Battle of Garvagh' the a-a-a-b rhyme scheme of the Ochtfhoclach Mór metre is present, but not the 6665 syllabic structure. There is alliteration of before and fare, wreck and round.The day before the July fair (c) Internal assonance and amhránaíocht metre 'Arise, arise',[29] Verse 1, lines 1 to 4: 'Arise, Arise' carries a hint of the five-stress amhránaíocht or 'singing' metre of modern Gaelic verse as well as a series of assonantal repetitions of 'i' in lines one and three. There is the suggestion of an internal rhyme between 'arise' and 'praise(s)'. The 'five-nought-five' of the first and third lines refers to the Orange Lodge of that number.Arise, arise, come five-nought-five, arise (d) Internal rhyme, aicill rhyme and alliteration 'King James II (1869)', Verse 1: This curious lyric, full of appalling puns, involves internal rhyme ('second' in lines one and two), aicill rhyme between ('Rome' and 'roam') and alliteration.King James the Second was the first If Orange
traditional verse is written in the shared vernacular of all the people
of Ireland, then the same can be said for its music. It draws widely on
the repertoire of hornpipes, jigs, reels and polkas found in collections
such as those of Petrie and Joyce, though in many cases modified to a
march rhythm. Although some of the melodies have become invested with
extraordinary powers of signification, as for example 'The Protestant
Boys' or 'The Sash', this has come about through association and not because
of any intrinsic properties of the music.
I have remarked elsewhere that, while two songs, one nationalist and one loyalist, share the melody now usually referred to as 'The Wearing of the Green', the source of this tune was in fact a Scottish composer and Mason called James Oswald, who became chamber composer to George III.[30] This should caution us not to assume that a melody has been selected to provoke the opposing party, that one group can necessarily claim its ownership or that its origins were in Ireland at all: the crosscurrent of melodies between the two islands closely parallels the movements of their peoples. An interesting example of the use of what might now be perceived as a Nationalist melody appears in the Orange song (or as its author, the Rev John Graham, Rector of Tamlaght-Ard in the Diocese of Derry described it in 1841, 'lyric poetry') 'On The Relief of the City',[31] which is set to the melody known as 'Erin Go Bragh' [brách] (literally, 'Ireland Forever') or 'Savournah [or Savourneen] Deelish', which appears in its familiar form in O'Farrell's Collection of National Music for the Union Pipes (1804).[32]
Example
1. 'Erin Go Bragh'[33]
This melody actually made its earliest appearance in print in 1783 in the English composer William Shield's opera The Poor Soldier, a revision of his failed work The Shamrock (also of 1783). The Irish tunes arranged by Shield in this 'oirish' entertainment had apparently been sung to him by his Irish collaborator John O'Keeffe, and Thomas Moore, Ireland's 'national' poet of the nineteenth century, set a number of them (including 'Erin Go Bragh') in the first volume of his Irish Melodies. Shield's opera capitalised on the craze for Irish folk music in the 1780s and a number of other British operas featuring such material were composed at this time.[34] Shield's melody, which we assume to be transcription from O'Keeffe, but may possibly be his own invention given that there is no earlier printed source, implies its Irish traditional origins through its use Mixolydian 7ths which are suggestive of the mode commonly found in the peasant musics of Ireland and Britain. This song is couched in the galante style of J.C. Bach, which was in vogue at that time in London and has the rather extensive range (for a folksong) of an octave and a half.
Example
2. Nora's air 'Farewell Ye Groves' The text sung by a character called Norah, reads as follows: The metrics of this verse, and of subsequent settings of the tune which involve a repeated phonetically-spelled Gaelic phrase for second fourth and eighth lines and three rhyming lines in the second quatrain, are somewhat unusual. In Énri O Muirgheasa's major collection of Ulster Gaelic lyrics Dhá Chéad de Cheoltaibh Uladh, only one song seems to present a direct model, the drinking song 'Pléaráca na bPollan' with the repeated 'Tá mé 'mo chodladh 's ná dúis'tear mé' ('I'm sleeping, don't wake me') whose first verse runs:Farewell ye groves and crystal fountains In 1791, George Colman the English librettist and manager of the Little Theatre, Drury Lane, collaborated with Samuel Arnold on the opera The Surrender of Calais, which included the selfsame melody that Shields had transcribed from O'Keeffe, set to the words of 'Savourneen Deelish', which ironically went on to become one of the most popular and anthologised of 'Irish' lyrics. The line 'Savourneen Deelish, Eileen Oge!' or 'Young Eileen, the faithful sweetheart' of this highly sentimental lyric is simply an exotic touch for an English audience, but the patriotic implications are interesting - the Irish soldier fighting for his country, England:Éireócaidh mè I mbárach is rachaidh mé 'un aonaigh - A more explicitly political message appears, again in a kind of in macaronic verse, in 'Green were the Fields' or 'The Catholic's Lamentation', whose repeated line 'Erin ma vourneen! slan leat go brah!' or 'Erin my darling! Goodbye forever' is a trope of 'Erin go brah!'. The latter was a slogan of the eighteenth century United Irishmen movement and appeared with the symbol of the harp on some of their flags.[37] This song was written by George Nugent Reynolds (c. 1770-1802), a poet and country gentleman of County Leitrim whose father apparently often had the company of O'Carolan. Curiously, Reynolds was a member of the anti-republican Yeomanry formed to deal with the threat of French invasion and from whose ranks came many of the first Orangemen. He contributed to Dublin journals such as the Sentimental and Masonic Magazine and the Evening Star, and was a Commissioner of the Peace for Leitrim and Roscommon, though doubts about his loyalty caused him to lose the latter position. He died while staying with the Duke of Buckingham in Stowe in 1802. The text of 'The Catholic's Lamentation' is as follows:Ah! the moment was sad when my love and I parted - In his first volume of Irish Melodies (1808) Moore sets a text with a slightly different metrical scheme to this melody though he retains the three rhyming lines in the second quatrain. He was certainly familiar with the version of the text from The Poor Prisoner because in 1790, at the age of ten, he had taken part in an amateur performance of the opera.[39] Moore is looking back to the events of the 1798 rebellion when for a short time Catholics and Protestant Dissenters were united in a idealistic republican vision inspired by Tom Paine and the American and French revolutions:Green were the fields where my forefathers dwelt, oh; Graham's version of the song, which is at least in part a travesty of Tom Moore's, concerns the relief of Londonderry in August 1689. The city had lain under siege to the troops of James II since April of that year, although the history of the siege stretched back to December 1688 when thirteen apprentice boys had shut the gates of the city against Lord Antrim's redshanks. Needless to say, this event, the siege and relief of the city which followed, and the death by starvation or illness of some 10,000 inhabitants, has entered the Loyalist consciousness as a seminal event in the history of Northern Ireland and is celebrated by marches on the 12th August each year in Derry by another of the plethora of Protestant orders, the Apprentice Boys.[40] As Adamson points out, this event had two major impacts on the Protestant mentality: firstly it was the source of the 'No Surrender' slogan and attitude; and secondly it instilled the sense that while Irish Protestants might see themselves as British, they could not rely on the assistance or support of Britain:[41]''Tis Gone and for Ever' This conjunction of a paean of praise to the loyalists of Derry which draws on Gaelic-inspired metrics filtered through the British operatic stage, and a melody which appears to encode Irish national aspirations in its title and in its melodic configuration, is neatly ironic and returns us to our title, 'Lámh Dearg: Celtic Minstrels and Orange Songsters'. Lámh dearg, or 'Red Hand' was the Gaelic nom de plume of Rev Mr Innis, the author of the Orange song 'Protestant Boys' in the collection Songs and Ballads for the Use of Orangemen (1847). The red hand is, of course, the ancient symbol of the O'Neill Clan and of Ulster itself, but it is also the appellation of one of the most notorious and bloodthirsty of modern Loyalist gangs, the Red Hand Defenders. This articulates the schizoid character of many of the Orange songs, for while their surfaces (their narratives) invoke a British birthright, their musical and metrical characteristics are as 'Irish' as any other cultural product of the island of Ireland. The musical chasm between 'Gael' and 'Planter' alluded to earlier is as illusory as the racial chasm between Celt and Saxon implied by what Cathal O'Boyle calls the 'facile "Two Nations" theory'.[43] The inhabitants of Ireland, whether Orange Flautists or Gaelic Pipers are inextricably connected by a series of entwining mythologies which reach back to Celtic Minstrelsy and spread across to the other peoples of the western seaboard of Europe.'On The Relief of the City'
References [1]Leamh dhearg (lámh dearg) or red hand was the name adopted by Rev Innis, the author of 'Protestant Boys', a minister from Lisburn, in the collection Song and Ballads for the Use of Orangemen (1847). I would like to thank John Moulden for this information (private correspondence). In fact Innis made a rather unfortunate error for leamh actually means impotent! [2] Galway, J. Autobiography (London?: Chappell and Co., 1978) p. 47. [3] Vallely, F., Protestant Perspectives in Traditional Irish Music, presented as a dissertation for part of an M.A. in Ethnomusicology, Queen's University Belfast, 1993, Chapter 5. [4] Ed. Breen, R., Devine, P. and Dowds, L., Social Attitudes in Northern Ireland: The Fifth Report (Belfast: Appletree Press Ltd., 1996). [5] Stewart, A. T. Q., The Narrow Ground: Aspects of Ulster 1609-1969 (London: Faber & Faber Ltd., 1977, reprinted by The Blackstaff Press, 1997), p. 29. [6] Hyde, D., 'De-Anglicising Ireland' from Language, Lore and Lyrics: Essays and Lectures', Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1986), p. 157. [7] Blaney, R., Presbyterians and the Irish Language (Belfast: Ulster History Foundation, 1996), p. 19. [8] De Brún, P., 'The Irish Society's Bible Teachers', Eígse, XIX (1983), p. 285, n. 24. [9] Although he resigned from the Presidency of the league when it passed a resolution to include Irish independence in its aims in 1915. [10] One notes, for instance, the Gaelic name of the political wing of the IRA, Sinn Féin. [11] The 1991 census indicates around 13,500 non-Catholic Irish speakers. [12] Ed. McNamee, P., Traditional Music: Whose Music (Proceedings of a Co-operation North conference, 1991 (Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, 1992), p. 92. [13] Ed. O'Boyle, C., Songs of County Down (Dublin: Gilbert Dalton Ltd., 1979). [14]Op. cit. p. 7. O'Boyle's italicisation. [15] Petrie, G., The Petrie Collection of the Ancient Music of Ireland (Dublin: The University Press, 1855), p.2. [16] Osborn Bergin notes that there is no distinction between Scottish and Irish bardic poetry in the Gaelic language. Irish Bardic Poetry (Dublin: The Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1970). [17] Murphy, G., Early Irish Metrics (Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 1961). [18] Murphy, G., p. 70. [19] The following table illustrates the rhyming consonant groups: S [stands by itself] P, C, T [soft consonants (though actually hard)] B, G, D [hard consonants(though actually soft)] F, CH, TH [rough consonants] LL, M, NN, NG, RR [strong consonants] Bh, Dh, Ch, Mh, L, N, R [light consonants] thus cap can rhyme with mat or sack, but not bad and bag can rhyme with sad, but not bat. [20] Verse 1 of 'The Death of Ireland' from Bergin, O., Irish Bardic Poetry (Dublin: The Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1970), p 115. The text means 'A blessing upon the soul of Ireland, island of the faltering steps' (p. 264). [21]Op. cit. p. 192. 'Keen and long is its point, smooth and sleek is its side.' (p. 303). [22] Cited in O Boyle, op. cit. p. 10 from ed. Énrí O Muirgheasa Dhá Chéad de Cheoltaibh Uladh (Baile Atha Cliath: Oifig Dhíolta Foilseach n Rialtas, 1924, 1974), p. 13. [23]Loc. cit. [24] Hyde, D., 'Gaelic Folk Songs' in Language, Lore and Lyrics: Essays and Lectures (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1986), p. 106. [25] Ed. Huntingdon, G., Sam Henry's Songs of the People (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1990). [26] Zimmermann, G.-D., Songs of Irish Rebellion: Political Street Ballads and Rebel Songs 1780-1900 (Dublin: Allen Figgis, 1967), p. 305. [27]The Orange Lark (Lurgan: Ulster Society, 1987), Vol. 1, No. 13, p. 35. [28]Lilliburlero (Lurgan: Ulster Society, 1988), Vol. 2, No. 40, p. 103. [29]Lilliburlero (Lurgan: Ulster Society, 1988), Vol. 2, No. 29, p. 80. [30] Zimmermann, G.-D., Songs of Rebellion (Dublin: Allen Figgis, 1967), p. 170. [31] Graham, J., Ireland Preserved; or The Siege of Londonderry and The Battle of Aughrim with Lyrical Poetry and Biographical Notes (Dublin: Hardy and Walker, 1841), x. [32] A transliteration of 'sa mhuirnin dílis' or the faithful sweetheart. 'Bragh' would be 'brách' meaning eternal in modern Gaelic. [33]O'Farrell's Collection of National Music for the Union Pipes p. 18. [34] Other operatic composers using Irish folksongs included Boyce, Arnold, Linley and Dibdin. [35] O Muirgheasa pp. 287-8. [36] Waltons Treasury of Irish Songs and Ballads (Dublin: Walton's musical instrument galleries ltd., no date), p. 50. [37] 'A Portrait of an Irish Chief' published in London in 1798 and purporting to display Henry Grattan has the figure declaiming 'No Union. Erin Go Brach!'. [38]Crosby's Irish Musical Repository. A Choice Selection of Esteemed Irish Songs. (London: B. Crosby & Co., 1808), pp. 231-2. [39] Fiske, R., English Theatre Music in the Eighteenth Century London: OUP, 1973), p. 461. [40] As well as the Orange Order and the Apprentice Boys, there is the Imperial Grand Black Chapter of the British Commonwealth, founded in 1797. Membership is only open to members of the Orange Order. Similarly, the Royal Arch Purple Chapter is a subset of the Orange Order. Many Orangemen are also Freemasons. [41] Adamson, I., 1690: William and the Boyne (Newtonards: Pretani Press, 1995), p. 65. [42]Op. cit. p. 255-6. [43]
O'Boyle p. 7.
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